01/12/2024 | News release | Distributed by Public on 01/12/2024 18:20
On January 7, Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) and Democratic Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) announced key elements of a FY 2024 spending deal that would pave the way for appropriators in the House and Senate to begin drafting and negotiating the contents of the 12 annual discretionary spending bills. Specifically, the two leaders endorsed the topline spending levels for FY 2024 enumerated in last year's bipartisan debt limit agreement, the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023(FRA), and renegotiated the elements of the "side deal" originally inked between Schumer and former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy.
Basics of the Johnson-Schumer Agreement
Under the terms of the Johnson-Schumer agreement, "base" defense and nondefense discretionary spending ("base" meaning, non-emergency and exclusive of cap adjustments) will remain at the caps enacted by the FRA: $886.3 billion for defense, and $703.7 billion for nondefense. This point is not trivial. In 2023, House Republicans drafted appropriations bills below the FRA spending levels, arguing that the defense and nondefense caps were ceilings, not floors (technically correct, but a violation of the spirit of the law and loaded with the power to derail the entire appropriations process). Speaker Johnson's endorsement of the FRA spending levels as the target amounts for FY 2024 is vitally important for moving the appropriations process forward.
Base defense discretionary spending under the deal would amount to a 3.2 percent increase ($27.9 billion) in FY 2024 over actual FY 2023 results, whereas base nondefense discretionary spending would shrink 8.1 percent ($62.2 billion). With 3.3 percent annual inflation (approximately), the base defense budget is essentially flat in real terms and the cuts/savings to base nondefense accounts are significant.
HOWEVER, the provisions of the Johnson-Schumer "side deal" would provide an additional $69 billion in budget authority for nondefense discretionary accounts (more on this below). The agreement also fully funds the cap adjustments allowed under current law, which add another $25.5 billion in nondefense discretionary spending in FY 2024. (These same cap adjustments-for wildfire suppression, disaster assistance, and program integrity efforts like continuing disability reviews-added $25 billion to nondefense spending in FY 2023.) When all three nondefense pieces are combined, the Johnson-Schumer deal would allocate $798.2 billion for nondefense discretionary spending-a 0.9% increase when compared to FY 2023. In other words, the "side deal" eliminates the savings enacted in the FRA.
SIDE NOTE: What's the Deal with the "Side Deal?"
The "side deal" originated as an unofficial, unpublished rider to the FRA-a gentleman's agreement between then-Speaker McCarthy and Senate Majority Leader Schumer. It was a list of budget sleights of hand that House and Senate appropriators were authorized to use to paper over FY 2024 nondefense discretionary spending in the annual appropriations bills above the limit set by the FRA. Media reports at the time pegged the amount at $69 billion.
When McCarthy lost the Speaker's gavel, House Republicans also jettisoned his FRA side deal with Schumer. The new Johnson-Schumer spending agreement announced on January 7 retains some features of the original side deal-namely, it would facilitate a $69 billion increase in nondefense discretionary spending above the FRA cap-but with a slightly different mix of gimmicks.
Johnson-Schumer Side Deal Merely Exchanges One Set of Budget Gimmicks for Another
A combination of retirements and illness among House Republican lawmakers has left Speaker Johnson with a temporary but ultra-narrow two-seat majority, and the newly reconfigured "side deal" reflects Johnson's diminished leverage. Democrats retained the $69 billion in nondefense spending above the FY 2024 cap; Johnson merely succeeded in exchanging one set of gimmicks for another.
Budget gimmicks that were trimmed in the Johnson-Schumer side deal:
Budget gimmicks that were added or expanded in the Johnson-Schumer side deal:
One Possible Win for Fiscal Responsibility?
Notably missing from the Johnson-Schumer topline spending deal is $13.7 billion in emergency-designated spending that the chairman and ranking member of the Senate Appropriations had previously (and unilaterally) said they would add to Senate spending bills after enactment of the FRA-$8 billion for defense and $5.7 for nondefense. If this holds, it would be a small win for fiscal responsibility.
Does This Mean All Elements of a Spending Agreement Are Now in Place?
No. While the Johnson-Schumer agreement is an important first step, lots of hard work and additional rounds of negotiation remain. Appropriators have topline numbers for defense and nondefense locked down but must now agree on how to apportion those amounts among the 12 annual appropriations bills. In addition, appropriations bills are prime targets for policy riders. Expect tough fights on bill language relating to abortion, transgender rights, border policy, climate change, and more.
Moreover, The Senate is still trying to negotiate an emergency aid package for Ukraine, Israel, Taiwan, and the U.S border with Mexico. Media reports suggest disagreements over changes to asylum and parole policies are bogging down negotiations. In the meantime, the Biden administration says it has exhausted its military and financial support for Ukraine; the conflict between Israel and Hamas is threatening to expand into other areas of the Middle East; and China is increasingly harassing ships in the South China Sea. Pressure is building on Congress to act on a supplemental aid package.
Many "known unknowns" remain to be hashed out before Congress can finalize a deal on FY 2024 appropriations.
Let's Make a Deal
With partial government funding set to expire on January 19, followed by the rest of government on February 2, Congress will need to pass another short-term continuing resolution (CR)-the third this fiscal year-to avoid slow-walking into a government-wide funding lapse.
Ordinarily, a clean short-term patch at this juncture-with a topline locked in place-would be relatively easy to pass, but Speaker Johnson famously (and perhaps naively) said the "laddered" CR from November, which established the current bifurcated funding deadlines, would be the last the House would entertain. Will he reverse himself?
At the same time, the Speaker is defending himself against major backlash from within his own conference over the spending deal, and his MAGA flank wants to shut down the government entirely until President Biden declares a national emergency and seals the U.S. southern border.
Getting a topline agreement was low-hanging fruit. The real work begins now.